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Saturday, October 20, 2018

• As Battle Between Two Professionals Rages

Dear Mr Ibrahim Magu,

This is an open letter to the EFCC to enable your anti-graft agency know the man you are dealing with in its investigations into alleged crimes by former Governor Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti State.

While it is generally acknowledged that EFCC is a professional anti-corruption investigator, Fayose is also a professional criminal as his records would show.

Ayodele Fayose from Afao-Ekiti started his crime life early in life in school at The Polytechnic, Ibadan, where he failed to finish his HND programme but all the same used a forged HND certificate to contest governorship election in Ekiti State in 2003 and won after a PDP government in Oyo State helped in the manipulation of the process that helped him to escape criminal trial.

He has since stopped claiming to be HND holder, as he contested his election in 2014 with his school certificate to avoid criminal prosecution over certificate forgery by Oyo State government that was no longer controlled by PDP but APC.

Earlier during his sojourn overseas  before contesting 2003 election, Fayose was involved in a credit card fraud, among other crimes in London where he was operating under a fake name, Karimu Jay.

He was jailed in London over credit card fraud and after serving his time, he committed another credit card and visa fraud. He escaped to Nigeria when he was being sought by UK security community, including agents of the Scotland Yard. Security agents traced him to Nigeria but on learning that UK agents was on his trail, Fayose announced Karimu Jay's death with obituary publications in Nigerian newspapers that  Karimu Jay died of heart attack. He co-opted his UK friends to make use of the British press to announce the death of Karimu Jay.

That was the only proof that convinced the English investigation officers that a dead Karimu Jay could no longer stand trial again. They went back to their country, paving the way for Fayose to begin a full-scale criminal activities in Nigeria to earn a living.

In government after winning his election fraudulently by the administration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2003, Fayose began the second leg of his  life in crimes, viz:

(1) According to you (EFCC report), Ayo Fayose diverted public funds into his private account No 10003126654 (N137m) on teller 0556814 with BVN, number 22338867502

(2) Another N50m to same account and another N118,760,000 

(3) Fayose moved N300m to his Fixed Deposit account number 9013074033 at Ketu Zenith Bank with same BVN number

(4) N100m deposited in Spotless Hotel account number 1010170969 jointly owned by Fayose and his wife. Fayose's BVN on the account is 223338867502, while that of his wife is  22298990256

(5) Abiodun Agbele (Abbey), Fayose's friend, put N219,490,000 into account number 1013835889

(6) The same Abbey lodged N300 and another N200m in the same account with BVN number 22235692890.

Other Accounts:

(1) Fayose kept N500m in Jumoke's account. Jumoke is a waiter in Spotless Hotel owned by Fayose

(2) Fayose kept another N2billion in Abbey's acct.

(3) Kayode Osho, Fayose's bosom friend, went away with his N500m

(4) His luxury hotel in Dubai has been discovered by EFCC

TOTAL: N4,075,300,000

Fayose's Dubai hotel is estimated to cost N2.1b

All these were followed by all manner of frauds, including defrauding through pilgrimage to the Holy Land of Mecca. In this, Fayose connived with the Chairman of Ekiti State Muslims Pilgrims Welfare Board and Secretary in slot allocation racket that denied Ekiti Muslims their fair share in the number of Islamic faithful billed to perform their religious obligation to Mecca for Hajj last year.

In the fraudulent scheme, the slots given to the state by the National  Muslims Pilgrims Welfare Board were fraudulently sold by Fayose to other states at higher costs in dollars, thus denying Ekiti Muslims opportunity to perform their religious obligation, while those that were able to get spaces were overcharged to make the holy journey.

It is on record that suspects in this fraud were arrested on arrival from Mecca at Murtala Muhammed Airport, Ikeja.

For refusing to obey Governor Ayodele Fayose to inflate a N12m contract to N80m, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Works, Prince Fasiku, landed himself in trouble for failure to carry out the governor's directive.

Snippets from Due Process Office indicated that the permanent secretary took a project of N12m to the governor for approval, but the governor allegedly ordered Fasiku to increase the cost to N80m. He refused and Fayose thereafter slammed suspension on him. Fasiku is alive and EFCC can confirm from him.

 Fayose's men once stormed the premises of Ekiti State Water Corporation to cart away eight vehicles waiting for repairs to his country home in Afao-Ekiti for onward transfer to his Ibadan auto shop called Affordable Motors to resell them to the public.

The men carted away eight vehicles, including four Hilux vans, three Toyota Camry cars and one truck.

Bewildered staff of EKSTMA stood in disbelief when orders came that they should tow the vehicles to Afao-EkitI country home of the governor.

Shortly afterwards, Fayose duped the 16 local governments of N480m after another fraud in the Ministry of Health through which two permanent secretaries lost their positions shortly after duping each of the 93 PDP delegates of N3.65m (each) at the party's national convention.

Fayose perpetrated the N480m fraud in the 16 local governments through non-existent contracts purportedly awarded to Fayose's  loyalists consisting of local government chairmen and a few others in each of the 16 local governments. Each fake contractor was criminally paid N6m. After each of the five fake contractors collected the pay, they pooled the money together, making N30m from each local government and deposited the money to the governor in cash as he ordered. N30m in 16 local governments comes to N480m criminally creamed off from the 16 local governments, a cool proceed of fraud that was the hallmark of a fraudulent and rapacious governor who picked a monthly security vote of N300m and another N90m monthly vote he called "sundry expenses" while he owed workers, including his commissioners and House of Assembly members, between seven and nine months salaries.

It is on records that two top officials of the Ministry of Health were in trouble over refusal to append their signatures to criminally manipulate records in N30m fraud masterminded by the governor.

 Fayose had granted request for N30m for some unexplained expenses in the Ministry of Health and demanded that the Director of Finance and Administration (DFA) and Director of Admin and Supplies (DAS) in the ministry should process it and turn in the cash to his office. The two officials turned the request down, demanding to know what the money would be spent on. They were subsequently suspended for insubordinatIon.

Shortly afterwards when Ekiti State received fresh N1.3b Budget Support Facility from the Federal Government to pay workers' salary, Fayose forced the staff in the Accountant-General Office into taking the oath of secrecy not to divulge the release of the fund to workers and Ekiti people in general.

The governor had hoped that both Paris Club refund of N8.7b and budget facility would be disbursed at the same time.

This forced the governor to approve a leave for the Accountant-General, Mrs. Owolabi, to proceed on leave to America over purported excuse to ensure the security of her visa, which was about to expire at the time.

Mrs Owolabi had earlier applied to the governor for her annual leave but he declined. But the governor changed gear when it appeared that the Federal Government would release the funds at the same time, forcing him to give emergency approval to the woman to travel.

The implication is that with the accountant-general not available to process disbursements, the money would be in  special accounts Fayose often used to enjoy illegal interests on savings in these accounts.

In Abuja during PDP's convention that produced Uche Secondus as National Chairman, Fayose callously short-changed Ekiti State delegates by giving them a pittance instead of the convention largesse to other delegates from other states who voted for Secondus as the National Chairman.

While delegates from other states  were pocketing $10,000 (Ten Thousand Dollars) as their own share for voting Secondus, Ekiti State delegates were very happy that they too would go back home with $10,000 richer.

 But they were wrong. Their hopes were dashed by their greedy governor who collected the share for the 92 delegates from Ekiti State and gave them a peanut of N50,000 (Fifty Thousand Naira) per delegate out of the huge sum.

 By this, Fayose  pocketed N3, 600, 000 per delegate and there were 92 delegates from Ekiti state (including the governor) whom he led to the convention.

After that,  Fayose removed the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Finance, Mr Alabi, and transferred him to the Department of Establishment in the state civil service.

Trouble started for Alabi after Fayose demanded in a memo for the release of N50m from $1m World Bank's grant (N360m) for Save-a-Life Health Project. The governor later approved  a warrant for the release of N50m and was withdrawn from the World Bank's grant and taken to his office on the pretext of combating emergency health-related issues. Surprisingly, a few days later, Fayose prepared another warrant for the same purpose but cleverly altered the date on the earlier memo. Alabi noted the anomaly in the two memos based on the same head and ordered an audit query into the anomaly.

Fayose got wind of this and became angry and ordered immediate Alabi's dismissal from service for alleged insubordination. His dismissal letter was promptly prepared for onward delivery to him, but influential leaders intervened to save Alabi's head.

Fayose  once exploited the scramble for compensation for demolition of houses for fly-over project to rip off the landlords in the compensation payment scheme.

The governor allocated to himself 60 percent of total compensation earmarked to the affected landlords.

For example, any landlord that was supposed to collect N2m, was given N800,000 and the balance of N1.2m was pocketed by the governor whereas the official document would have indicated that the landlords had collected full payment.

Fayose was in the news again at a time in 2017 Christmas when he duped political appointees who thought they would at least receive their full salaries in the spirit of Christmas and the New Year season.

The political appointees were shocked and angry at the same time when they learnt that the other half of their salary had been deducted by Fayose who claimed he spent it on the last local government elections in the state held in December 2017 which Ekiti people boycotted.

Also at a time, Fayose and his friend, Kayode Olusola Jegede, were locked  in a crisis of confidence over a reciprocal fraud in the new Oja Oba Market and High Court projects over kick-back sharing formula.

 A few days after Fayose kept Jegede in detention in Prison custody in Ado-Ekiti over suspicion of cheating involving alleged funds diversion, including failure to deliver Fayose's share of the loot, the governor  stormed Lagos project site of his friend and forcefully arrested all workers on site, including petty traders selling there, and ferried them to Ado-Ekiti before finally remanding them in prison custody.

It was alleged that Fayose was the actual contractor handling  new Oja Oba Market and flyover projects while KOPEK and Grids Associates were just sub-contractors implementing the projects on his behalf.

It was also learnt that Fayose had the addresses and telephone contacts of suppliers of construction materials through which he knew the prices of the materials before approving money for his sub-contractors to make purchases.

The bone of contention that led to the arrest of his friend was the New Market project being supervised by Jegede in an arrangement that would make Fayose take for himself N1b in kick-back in a N3b project.

Facts also emerged on how Governor  Fayose used projects commissioning to fleece the Government of Ekiti State to the tune of N30 million.

During the projects commissioning, Fayose invited eight PDP governors to Ado-Ekiti for the commissioning of substandard projects like the Bank Road project and expansion project on Awelede Road. Also commissioned were projects that Fayose spent no kobo but over which he was claiming credit. These projects include Funmi Olayinka Women Centre that cost a bank N600m and Ikere road that cost Wema Bank N400m.

Also commissioned was electricity project. In the electricity project, Fayose repainted electric poles purchased by former Governor Fayemi and presented them as newly purchased. Though he later owned up repainting them, the poles were old poles purchased by the former governor which Fayose was reselling to Ekiti State Government as new poles.

He also duped Ekiti people again in his projects commissioning financing.

Before he left for China where he had gone to work again Nigeria's interest by campaigning that China should not help Nigeria out of recession, Fayose raised a Projects Commissioning Committee with the task to plan for the programme and financial implication.

On arrival from India, the committee presented a budget of N20 million to the governor but he jerked it to about N42 million. The money was collected from Float Account. Floating Account is "Fraud Account" by Fayose to steal Ekiti money without trace.

For the commissioning ceremony, Fayose released only N10m for the committee, leaving N30 million to himself. The balance of N2m he shared to cronies and committee members, with each committee member getting N30,000.

The Deputy Governor, Prof Kolapo Olusola, who was also a member of the Planning Committee, got N60,000.

Another way Fayose used Floating Account to defraud the state was through claims and travelling allowances. In this instance, the governor would approve any claim and payment actually made almost immediately, but the claimant would never get the net approved by the governor. Two vouchers were used for the deal. One would approve, the other would retire returns on the claim. A pliant accountant working for the governor did the manipulation to clean up traces of fraud.

For instance, one of his trusted aides once planned to travel to Abuja. The governor asked how much he needed and the fellow, a lawyer, quoted N500,000. The governor agreed and asked him to prepare the claim. After payment was made and deposited in his office, the governor called this aide, harassed him and asked how many days he would stay in Abuja to spend a whopping N500,000. The fellow said two days and the governor rose of his feet, asking him why he must spend that much in two days. He gave the lawyer N200,000 but the balance of N300,000 was never retired to the treasury: Fayose kept it for himself.

Facts also emerged on how  Fayose exploited 2018 year's celebration of the International Women's Day held in Ado-Ekiti to dupe the state to the tune of N516m.

A source explained: "You will recall that about four months before Women's Day celebration, Governor Fayose announced in his monthly media chat that this year's Women Day celebration would be special and different from others in terms of the benefits that would accrue to women.

"He followed this a month later by announcing that women would be given N20,000 as part of his stomach infrastructure programme to enable them set up their businesses.

"This was the promise he reiterated to women when he invited them to the Government House with the promise of empowerment programme only for the women to be confronted with request for their voter's cards and details on their voter cards were scanned in machines by some experts without offering reasons for that profiling.

"In the end, the women got nothing and all the cash went to Fayose."

This was followed by how Fayose swindled Ekiti pupils in their Unified Exam fees scam in which the  SS2  and JSS 3 unified exams should have started on Monday 8th August but the governor postponed the exams indefinitely on the excuse that the government couldn't provide the logistics for the examinations, including funding.

The exams fees account was one of the several accounts that Fayose hid from public scrutiny when he was governor.

Shortly before the exams, education administrators were shocked when the governor declared that he had no money to finance the exams, even though the students had long paid for the exams that had implications for their further studies.

It is to be noted that the flyover project and new Oja Oba Market were prime projects through which Ekiti State's funds were siphoned through Fayose's cronies like the case in the ill-fated N1.3b Integrated Ekiti State Poultry Project that never produced a single egg, which is still being probed by your agency involving an agricultural firm called Biological Concepts owned by Gbenga James, another friend of Fayose, all based in Ibadan, who were behind the poultry project fraud being prosecuted by the EFCC.

During your investigation and as you told Nigerians, it was found out that the project funds were diverted by Fayose to build mansions for himself in Ibadan and supervised by Gbenga James.

You also discovered that $50,000 of the contract sum was allegedly  shared to former Fayose's Deputy, Biodun Olujimi, while Fayose also allegedly spent part of the money to build a house and buy a car for his mother, among other revelations.

The case that was then being prosecuted in court by EFCC's Abubakar Madaki before Justice Adamu Hobon of the Federal High Court, Ado-Ekiti, was adjourned indefinitely after Fayose was elected governor for second term, even though Fayose had been going about misleading the public that he had been set free of the alleged fraud.

During the 2018 guber poll, Fayose  resorted to cutting the security vote of his deputy for purported campaign funding without prior information to Eleka.

When Eleka knew about the sudden and sharp cut of N4m from his monthly security vote of N5m, he cried to Fayose about the development. But to his shock, Fayose told the deputy governor that the cut in his security vote was being spent for his campaign activities.

When Eleka sought to know the events on which the money was spent, he got the shock of his life when Fayose told him that the money, N4m, was being spent on his posters that were all over the state, including purchase of campaign vehicles.

In several cases, Fayose would demand for the actual cost of projects. After he was convinced that a particular amount would be okay for the project, he would boldly tell the executors of the projects to add extra cost in millions of naira. That extra cost belonged to him exclusively while nothing went to the executors of the frauds.

The mother of all frauds is in the local governments where Fayose would share Paris Club refunds and bailout cash with the local governments chairmen in the morning and coerce the chairmen to return the money to his in the night in cash inside sacks.

To cover his track, he would never sign to acknowledge receipt of the money in case of investigation by anti-graft agencies. While coercing local councils to carry out these frauds, he is the only beneficiary as no kobo would be given to these helpless chairmen.

Before the resumption of the trial in the murders of Dr Ayodeji Daramola and Tunde Omojola,  Governor Ayodele Fayose had at a time during a secret trial compiled a fake witnesses' list to be presented in court as true witnesses to the murders of the two illustrious Ekiti sons, to save him from criminal prosecution.

To make the list and the entire trial credible, Fayose listed as his witnesses the councillorship contestant in 2005 in Ifaki-Ekiti, Suleiman Labaika, and several family members of Tunde Omojola, including other fictitious names in Ijan-Ekiti who were to be impersonated in court in the secret trial as his witnesses. They were to tell the court that he and his aides knew nothing about the murders, to make the fraudulent and criminal trial look credible in order to free Fayose and his aides named in the murders.

An NGO, Ekiti Overseas Committee for Justice and Equity, on July 8, 2016 broke the news of an alleged plot by Fayose to criminally manipulate the court to clear him of complicity in the murders of Tunde Omojola in Ifaki in 2005 and Dr Ayo Daramol in Ijan-Ekiti on August 14, 2006.

At a time, Fayose sought cooperation of fake authors of petitions on Omojola's murder to claim that the petitions they submitted over the murder were obtained in duress and not exactly the accounts of what happened.

Fayose's fake  "authors" of the petitions were completely  different set of people who would pose as the real authors of the petitions in secret trial to clear Fayose of complicity in the crimes.

In a nutshell, Mr Ibrahim Magu, while we see you as a crack professional in the investigations of criminals, the man Fayose you are investigating is also a hardened professional criminal who can do anything illegally to have his way.

As you probe Fayose, expect bare-faced lies, blackmail, recalcitrance and cheap populism. His media aide, Lere Olayinka, is also a serial criminal in rape, burglary and forgery as established in an Akure-based magazine. Olayinka is a dangerous liar and criminal that you should expect to twist your actions and paint you in bad light.

Lere Olayinka will clone your voice and morph your image so much that you will need the grace of God not to be blackmailed into silence.

Lere Olayinka once tore a true witness statement on oath by one Gbolahan Okeowo on a murder of his boss, Omolafe Aderiye, and wrote another false statement where he criminally implicate five innocent members of the public as the murderers of Ekiti State Drivers' Union leader, Omolafe Aderiye, and then forced Gbolahan to present the false statement as a true account of what happened to the police. The innocent men were arrested and slammed into jail for three and half years before the court discharged and acquitted them.

To have a better understanding of Lere Olayinka, read below an expose on him by an Akure-based magazine to enable you understand the method of a criminal who will be defending his criminal master (Fayose) in this epic fraud trial to help Ekiti people recover their money from hardened criminals in the Government House of Ekiti State between 2014 and 2018.


"Lere Olayinka: Face Of A Serial Fraudster

"Lere Olayinka, a loquacious media aide to Governor Ayodele Fayose, has been around in the media for long defending his boss on all issues, particularly in the defence of alleged criminal conducts in government and helping his boss in maligning innocent people to suffer public ridicule. He is also in the media criticising the ruling party and other leaders of the opposition, who he has ceaselessly lied against or blackmailed as criminals holding the reins of government.

"His angelic preachment caught the attention of The Oyemekun Herald, a news online media with anti-corruption agenda for a better society.

"To lend support for Olayinka in his crusade against crimes and frauds by political leaders as he wants the unsuspecting public to believe, this magazine decided to do a close-up on Lere Olayinka himself, so that at the end of the day, the magazine will look credible in the public and held in high regard in its crusade against crime and fraud by political leadership.

"The results by the magazine's investigations yielded results that we felt should be shared with the public and to acknowledge why decision to investigate Olayinka is a worthwhile initiative.

"Investigation of Lere Olayinka started with getting facts on his background, including his educational qualifications and professional integrity. The results were mind-boggling.

"Lere Olayinka was discovered to be a man from extremely poor background who virtually had nobody to take care of him while growing up and he battled this problem for long in his thirst for self-development without getting much succour.

"Investigation revealed that paternity crisis was primarily responsible for the unwillingness of anybody in his family to stick his neck to help in his upbringing.

"After his secondary school education that ended in failure, he opted to learn shoe-making. He was a shoe-maker for many years before he nursed an ambition to reach out to the city experience to add value to his life. He went to Lagos where he stayed with his brother in-law at Awoyokun/Shyllon area of Onipanu.

"Reports said he suffered inferiority complex in relating with women and so he started having problems with his brother-in-law when he allegedly started romancing  the wife of his brother-in law's neighbour. He later raped another woman that drew the attention of the people on the street.

"His brother-in law, who at the time had a printing press at Awoyokun area of Onipanu, sponsored Lere Olayinka to the Nigeria Institute of Journalism in Lagos where he led a rebellion against the school authority that led to the closure of the school.

  "Probably in a hurry to make money  and feeling unsafe to continue staying with his brother-in law when  his illicit affairs with the neighbour's wife was getting worse, he allegedly stole his brother-in-law's money and bolted from Lagos to Akure where he was introduced by one Gbenga Adebayo, a journalist, and one Ayo Ayitete to Barrister Morakinyo Ogele, a radical activist lawyer, who at the time was up in arms against Governor Ayodele Fayose in his first term.

"Investigations revealed that Ogele took up Lere Olayinka for help after deceiving the lawyer that he was a journalist even though he did not complete his education at NIJ before leaving Lagos.

"Ogele needed him to advance his attacks on Fayose in the media. Ogele introduced Lere Olayinka to other top Ekiti elite, including Femi Falana, Dr Kayode Fayemi, Dayo Adeyeye, Engr Segun Oni, among others.

"Ogele, who was at the time the Legal Adviser to a local magazine, The Class, as well as the legal adviser to the surveying firm of Surveyor Abiodun Aluko (former deputy governor of a Ekiti State), took Lere to the publisher of The Class, one Tunde Alade, to work with him. Alade reportedly took him. Both Ogele and Abiodun Aluko shared the same office building in Akure.

"No sooner, Lere Olayinka started showing his true colour. Investigation revealed that Olayinka stole the keys to Aluko's office that was kept on top of an electricity metre inside the building. He stole the documents on some controversial land matters in Aluko's office and later took them to the same Aluko to blackmail him. Aluko was shocked at how the documents found their way to Lere Olayinka's possession. Lere Olayinka   told Aluko that the controversial documents were in the media and so Aluko should pay him N500,000 to kill the story. Aluko parted with N250,000. Aluko fumed at Ogele, thinking that it was Ogele, his legal adviser, who released the documents to Lere.

"In anger, Ogele fought Lere Olayinka and threatened to arrest him. After much pleading, Ogele forgave him and his battle with Fayose in the magazine heightened.

"But this was the beginning of Lere Olayinka's serial frauds and crimes in the media to earn a living. Investigations revealed that one Femi Alade popularly called Pempe, who was working for Fayose, came to Lere Olayinka and asked him whether he wanted to be living a poor life like Ogele "who cannot fuel his car".

"A source close to Pempe said (he) Pempe promised to take Lere to Fayose to make money and Lere agreed. According to the source, Pempe took Lere Olayinka to Fayose who gave him and one Tunde Alade, publisher of The Class, N750,000.

"Later, Pempe called Ogele making jest of him that Lere had collected money from Fayose and so Ogele should come and pick his own money to stop wasting his time criticising Fayose. Ogele scolded Pempe for his ridiculous contempt for his (Ogele's) character. Suddenly, Lere abandoned Ogele his benefactor to become Fayose's friend to fight the activist lawyer in the media.

"When Ogele and Falana heard about Lere's fraud, they turned their backs on him.

"Later, during Fayose and Segun Oni's bitter fight over plan by Oni to contest governorship election, particularly as events indicated that Fayose faced multiple crises over alleged serial murders and frauds, Lere Olayinka secretly went to Segun Oni to lie to him that he was the publisher of The Class, with the promise that as the publisher of the paper, he would not allow any negative story on his plan to be governor. He was using the paper to promote Oni until he became the governor to appoint Lere Olayinka as his media aide.

"Power drunk in government, Lere Olayinka started to blackmail Ogele. He deceived Oni and other unsuspecting public that he was the person writing Ogele's legal briefs whereas Ogele had been practising law while Lere Olayinka was in primary school.

"Anytime Ogele criticised Oni's government, Lere took it upon himself to abuse the lawyer who was his benefactor that introduced him to Oni. Many times, he took up advertorials in The Nation newspaper to abuse Ogele, the same way he had earlier descended on Fayose, his erstwhile benefactor who gave him and Alade N750,000 for their support.

"With a new-found benefactor in Segun Oni, Lere Olayinka abandoned Fayose and started writing in the media on how Fayose killed Dr Ayo Daramola and Tunde Omojola, including several other victims of Fayose's alleged assassinations.

"In Oni's government, Lere abandoned the publisher of The Class magazine who made Lere Olayinka the editor of the magazine. Lere abandoned the magazine itself through which he fraudulently secured a job with Oni. Not done, he floated another local magazine and in reaction, The Class magazine started criticising Oni's government when it discovered that Lere had abandoned the The Class.

"The Class magazine was being printed at that time at Hope Newspaper, Akure, owned by Ondo State Government. Lere was also printing his magazine at the same Hope Newspaper.

"One day, Lere went to print at Hope Newspaper and saw The Class publication materials already in plates. The stories in The Class edition were critical of Oni's government. He deceived the lithographers in the press hall that he was still the editor of The Class magazine and so he wanted to make some changes in the stories already in plates. Ignorantly under Lere's deceit, the lithographers allowed him to change the plates because he was still thought to be the editor.

"Lere Olayinka later came back to the press hall with completely different plates full of pro-Oni stories. He changed many editorial contents of the edition in The Class magazine in favour of Oni's government.

"When the publisher of The Class, Tunde Alade, came back to collect the printed copies of his magazine, he was shocked to discover that the edition  was full of completely different stories he knew nothing about.

"He protested, but the authorities of the printing company defended themselves, saying that his editor demanded to change the plates and the company had no choice than to allow him as the editor. Shocked, Alade told them that Lere Olayinka had long ceased to be the editor of the magazine having joined Oni's government and having  floated his own magazine.

"In anger, Alade arrested Lere Olayinka at  Okuta Elerinla Police Station, Akure, where one Sergeant Kola was in charge of his case. Alade also wrote petition to the police with the list of series of criminal activities that Lere Olayinka secretly perpetrated in the name of the magazine.

"At Okuta Elerinla Police Station, Akure, Oyemekun Herald  saw documents presented to the police as evidence of several alleged crimes committed by Lere Olayinka. According to police sources, the documents were presented in Alade's petition to prove that Lere was a serial criminal.

"Documents sighted by Oyemekun Herald included fraudulent letters by Lere Olayinka to defraud organisations and private individuals.

"For instance,  some documents revealed series of fraudulent correspondence by the Class Magazine authored by Lere Olayinka to agencies and embassies for visas or the magazine seeking one favour or the other from some agencies and private individuals; all these without the knowledge of the publisher, Tunde Alade.

"One common feature in the documents is that Lere Olayinka would write in a fake name as the publisher of The Class magazine asking for favours in favour of Lere Olayinka. He would later fraudulently present  himself as the Lere Olayinka to receive the favours sought in the letters he fraudulently wrote in the fake name of the magazine publisher.

"All these were contained in the petition against Lere Olayinka at the Okuta Elerinla Police Station in Akure.

"At the end of investigation by the police in Akure, Lere Olayinka was chained in both hands and legs by the police and bundled into a police van for further investigation in Ado-Ekiti. But Ekiti top people resident in Akure came to his rescue by begging for forgiveness.

"But the police would not bulge until  Chief Alade from Iyin-Ekiti, who runs newstands called Glory Newsstand in both Ado-Ekiti and Akure, came to his rescue. He paid for Lere Olayinka's release.

"Efforts to reach the publisher of The Class magazine for comments proved abortive, but after three days of seeking to speak with Ogele, Oyemekun Herald was lucky to have audience with the activist lawyer in his Akure office.

"Ogele confirmed the reports as narrated above, including even saying that the reports were never complete. He said he had a more comprehensive accounts of Lere Olayinka's serial crimes, saying that he was expecting Lere Olayinka to respond to our report before confronting Lere Olayinka with a plethora of alleged crimes he had committed in the past.

"Other sources referred us to Lere Olayinka's activities in Ekiti State as reported online, including the story of when he blackmailed Ekiti State Chief Judge, Justice Ayodeji Daramola, of having taken N250m bribes from Asiwaju Tinubu to return guilty verdict on Fayose in his perjury case.

"Others include accusing the same chief judge of taking millions of naira from former Governor Kayode Fayemi to manipulate the case on local council creation.

"According to several online reports when we searched for Lere Olayinka's links, it was discovered that Lere Olayinka had on many occasions engaged himself in writing fake reports in the names of innocent people to take negative positions on popular public issues in order to set Nigerians against such individuals or write on their behalf on issues they knew nothing about to attack respectable people in the public.

"For instance, using a fake Mirror newspaper website, Lere Olayinka wrote a statement on behalf of Ekiti State Chairman of APC, Chief Olajide Awe, purportedly abusing Pastor Enoch Adejare (Adeboye) for visiting Fayose in Ado-Ekiti. He used the same fake website to write on behalf of APC's spokesman, Taiwo Olatunbosun, purportedly accusing President Muhammadu Buhari's wife, Aisha Buhari, of complicity in Halliburton scandal and asking the First Lady to defend herself whereas Olatunbosun wrote nothing to the President's wife.

"According to another online report, Lere Olayinka also contrived a press conference on behalf of Fayemi's wife, Erelu Bisi Fayemi, where Lere Olayinka fraudulently wrote that Mrs Fayemi called Ekiti people hungry people.

"Other sources pointed our attention to Lere Olayinka's alleged tearing of a witness statement in Ekiti drivers' union leader Aderiye Omolafe's murder and writing another statement implicating innocent opposition members and gave the false statement to the witness to be presented as the true account of what happened in the murder to the police.

"Under pressure by Lere Olayinka, the witness presented a fake statement criminally prepared by Lere Olayinka to the police, and, thereafter, the innocent opposition members were arrested by the police for murder trial and they have been in jail for over three years now for the offence they didn't commit.

"That is Lere Olayinka for you, a criminal working for another criminal in government in a state that boasts of decent scholars and professionals who are world class in their various fields."

Oyemekun Herald"

Therefore, Mr Magu, prepare well in the trial of the professional criminal in your custody.

Yours faithfully,

Tope Adesegun,

National Coordinator,

The League Against Crime (an NGO)

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